Posts Tagged ‘National Assembly’
CPP lawmaker Chheang Vun on Friday said the door was open for opposition party president Sam Rainsy to become a lawmaker during the government’s fifth mandate, even though his parliamentary immunity has not yet been restored and he was not a candidate in last month’s national election.
Speaking to reporters at a press conference held at the National Assembly, Mr. Vun said Mr. Rainsy would be allowed to stand as a lawmaker after the next registration period for lawmakers opens in October and if another CNRP lawmaker agrees to resign in his place.
“Of course His Excellency [Sam Rainsy] can be a member of the National Assembly in the fifth mandate through the Law on the Election of Members of the National Assembly,” he said, referring to the recently amended Article 118 of the law.
Mr. Rainsy was not a candidate in the July 28 election because he was a convicted criminal at the time the party’s candidate list was submitted to the National Election Committee. But if one of the CNRP’s current elected National Assembly members resigns, along with all of its reserve candidates in a given constituency, Mr. Rainsy can take a seat in Parliament.
“After registration, his party’s candidates—both full candidates and reserve candidates—must all resign if they want His Excellency Sam Rainsy to appear on the candidate list,” Mr. Vun said.
Mr. Vun’s remarks came after senior CPP lawmaker and de facto party spokesman Cheam Yeap said last week that Mr. Rainsy had “no chance” of working as a lawmaker at the National Assembly in the fifth mandate.
Mr. Vun added that any decision to re-instate Mr. Rainsy as a lawmaker would not be a matter of compromise between the ruling CPP and CNRP, since there are already provisions in the law for such an eventuality.
Also Friday, Mr. Vun welcomed a decision made earlier in the day by the Constitutional Council of Cambodia to open sealed election documents showing the number of votes cast at each polling station. The CNRP has said the sealed documents must be consulted for a credible investigation into irregularities to go ahead.
Mr. Rainsy, whose CNRP is disputing preliminary results from the July 28 national election, which have given the ruling CPP a win with 68 seats to the opposition’s 55, is visiting some of the provinces where the opposition made big gains on election day, and in preparation for possible protests.
On Saturday morning, however, his convoy reached a Sa’ang district bridge at about 8:30 a.m. only to find that several of the wooden planks had been removed, making a crossing by car impossible, said Ou Chanrith, a CNRP candidate who was traveling with Mr. Rainsy.
Undeterred, the 30 or so party members simply crossed the stream by boat, he said.
“We left the cars on the side of the stream and we used large boats to cross,” Mr. Chanrith said, adding they then hopped on the motorbikes of party supporters waiting on the other side to finish their journey and arrive at the rallies.
Mr. Rainsy, who has long accused the ruling party of all manner of subterfuge in attempts to thwart his political ambitions—from getting the courts to hand down spurious convictions to orchestrating a deadly grenade attack on a rally he was leading in 1997—blamed CPP activists for the blocked bridge crossing.
“I think the ruling party interrupted me while I was trying to meet my supporters in two districts in Kandal province because they removed the wooden floor [of the bridge] so we could not cross,” he said.
District governor and CPP member Khim Chankiri denied the opposition’s conspiracy theory. He confirmed that the bridge was closed to traffic just before Mr. Rainsy arrived, but he said the timing was coincidental and part of several days of repairs.
“I would like to deny that our authorities removed the floor to not let them cross the bridge,” he said. “We had to repair the bridge because it is too old.”
Mr. Chankiri said the bridge was reopened after only half an hour, which was not long after Mr. Rainsy and his entourage took to the boats and motorcycles.
The CNRP also said that Mr. Rainsy addressed some 20,000 supporters once he finally reached his destination in Koh Khel district. The number could not be independently verified.
Kompong Cham provincial CNRP chief Seng Seang Ly said Mr. Rainsy addressed another 7,000 and 2,000 supporters at rallies there Sunday.
Mr. Seang Ly said the party president thanked the people for their votes on July 28, insisted that they had won the election, and urged them to prepare to demonstrate if it is required.
“Sam Rainsy said that in case the CPP doesn’t give us justice, a big demonstration will happen,” Mr. Seang Ly said.
Mr. Rainsy on Sunday warned that Cambodia was “headed for large protests” after the National Election Committee ruled out the prospect of letting the U.N. participate in an investigation into reports of widespread voting irregularities on election day.
Both the CPP and CNRP are claiming to have won a majority of seats in the National Assembly and with them the right to form the next government.
Prime Minister Hun Sen has already stated that he intends to form a new government, and has warned, citing his interpretation of the law, that he could get CNRP seats in Parliament for his own party if the opposition does not agree to sit in the new National Assembly.
Despite suffering a major hit in the parliamentary election Sunday, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) will hold on to a majority of National Assembly seats for another five years should unofficial results released by the information minister stand.
Under the country’s Constitution, a simple majority is all that is needed to form a government and pass most laws.
But having relieved the CPP of its supermajority in Parliament, the opposition could make life very hard for Prime Minister Hun Sen, and for the first time turn the CPP-led Parliament into something more than a rubber stamp, analysts and legal experts said Monday.
“Now they have to deal with the opposition, they cannot do like before,” said Son Soubert, a former member of the country’s Constitutional Council, who recently allied with the opposition.
With 123 seats in the Assembly, the CPP needed only 62 lawmakers to form the next government and says it won 68.
But Mr. Soubert said the magic number is actually 82 seats. That’s how many lawmakers the Assembly needs just to hold a meeting. Without that quorum, he said, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), which won the other 55 seats on Sunday, could effectively hold the government to ransom.
“What the Rescue Party can do, they can refuse to join the National Assembly, and then the National Assembly cannot form,” he said.
The Constitution says a “valid” meeting of the Assembly needs at least two-thirds of all lawmakers, or 82 members. After Sunday’s elections, the CPP is 14 seats short of the constitutional requirement.
The National Election Committee (NEC) has yet to endorse the information minister’s poll results released on Sunday evening. The CNRP has rejected that result and is demanding an independent investigation into allegations of widespread polling irregularities that it says may have robbed it of an outright victory.
But should the preliminary numbers roughly hold, said independent political analyst Kem Ley, the opposition can use the CPP’s modest majority to its advantage to push through parts of its own agenda.
The CPP may technically have enough votes to pass most laws short of a constitutional amendment, he said, but it won’t be passing much if the opposition refuses to let the National Assembly even meet.
“If they can’t persuade the opposition to attend the meeting, how can they pass the law?” he said. “They need the quorum to meet, so the CPP will need to compromise with the CNRP.”
Mr. Ley said he expected the CPP to give way on some of the opposition’s key campaign pledges, including raising wages for civil servants and tightening immigration policies.
Besides the legislative math, he said, the CPP could no longer ignore the reality that a great many Cambodians no longer want what it has to offer.
“They realize the majority of the people want change, that the people are not happy with them, so even though they control all the ministries they will feel pressure to change.”
Sok Sam Oeun, a prominent lawyer who heads the Cambodian Defenders Project, a legal aid NGO, said the momentum was clearly with the opposition.
“Right now they have the power,” he said. “The opposition can use this as a chance for compromise, otherwise they will not join the meeting to form the Parliament.”
Even if the opposition does let the CPP form the next government, it can still keep the Assembly from meeting any time it wants.
“It has a lot of power,” Mr. Sam Oeun said. “It has the power to negotiate and it can control the legislature.”
The opposition will not have a shot at any ministries without entering into an official coalition with the CPP, which Mr. Sam Oeun said was unlikely after the uninspiring example set by Funcinpec during its coalitions with the CPP.
After the royalist party joined the CPP as a junior coalition partner following the national elections in 1993, 1998, 2003 and 2008, it won some ministry posts but watched its political fortunes steadily dwindle, and on Sunday failed to win a single Assembly seat.
“The CPP wants a coalition,” Mr. Sam Oeun said. “For example after forming the coalition with Funcinpec, it could destroy Funcinpec.”
He said the opposition was more likely to try to parlay its newfound power into some control over a few Assembly commissions, the powerful finance commission first and foremost.
CPP lawmaker Chheang Vun, whose own Assembly seat was cast into some doubt after the party’s modest showing on Sunday in his home province of Battambang, said the prospects are still good for his party.
“I don’t know yet if the two parties have plans to talk about their roles on the nine commissions, but I think the CNRP will have a role,” he said. “I think the two parties will negotiate.”
But Mr. Vun dismissed any talk of a coalition with the CNRP or compromising with it on any new laws.
“We cannot follow the policies of the opposition party because the party lost the election,” he said. “They have no right to demand anything because the people voted for the Cambodian People’s Party.”
But a CPP secretary of state, speaking on condition of anonymity, conceded that business as usual at the National Assembly was likely over.
“The CPP will have [a] more difficult time in the National Assembly,” he said. “There will be more political discussion, more stalemate.”
The former Constitutional Council member, Mr. Soubert, said the CPP simply could not ignore the will of so many Cambodians who voted for change, and the violence that erupted on election day should remind the ruling party of the growing frustration of the people.
“The results clearly show that their policies are not exactly what the people wanted,” he said. “If the people feel frustrated, there will be unrest.”
Sunday’s national election was proclaimed “free and fair” by the 291 international observers invited by the National Election Committee (NEC) to monitor the ballot—despite allegations of serious irregularities.
Although the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) made considerable gains, winning 55 of the 123 National Assembly seats, the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) held on to 68 seats, a majority that the observers—who reportedly had their expenses covered by the ruling party—said should be respected by all parties.
“We consider the election in Cambodia as a triumph of popular will and a victory of the Cambodian people in their quest to build a better future based on the supremacy and sanctity of the ballot,” said the joint statement by the International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP) and the Centrist Asia Pacific Democrats International (CAPDI).
The two groups claim to represent 340 political parties from Asian countries including Burma, Indonesia and Malaysia.
The statement, which is also posted to the NEC’s website, described Sunday’s vote as ultimately “free, fair and transparent, and, above all, peaceful, non-violent and smooth, [which] bears testimony to the fact that Cambodian democracy has not only matured, but come of age politically.”
At a subsequent press conference Monday morning, the observers reiterated their upbeat assessment of the vote, despite the fact that just across town, CNRP president Sam Rainsy was holding his own press conference to denounce the results.
Mr. Rainsy alleged widespread irregularities and called for the establishment of a committee to investigate the results.
Asked about reports of duplicate names on the voter register and the countless voters who said they were unable to find their names on the list, the groups’ answers were philosophical.
Mushahid Hussain Sayed, secretary-general of CAPDI, said that no country held totally fair elections, even established democracies in the West.
“Unfortunately, the media wants to reduce things too much—was it free, was it fair, yes and no answers, but it requires a more nuanced response,” he said, adding that the apparent flaws “did not materially affect the election process.”
The 2008 national election attracted 500 international observers, many from the European Union, but this year the E.U. sent no observers, saying they were not asked and that recommendations made by their observers in 2008 were not taken on board. The U.S. Embassy also said it decided to send only “informal visitors” to polling stations instead of official monitors.
The observers who did come to Cambodia this year did so at the expense of the CPP, according to an email sent last month by Chung Euiyong, secretary-general of ICAPP.
PHNOM PENH, June 10 (Xinhua) — Cambodia’s National Assembly on Monday defended its decision to expel 28 opposition lawmakers, saying that the expulsion was made in accordance with the Law on Political Parties.
Speaking in a press conference at the National Assembly, ruling Cambodian People’s Party’s lawmaker Chheang Von, chairman of the parliament’s foreign affairs commission, explained that the parliamentary committee stripped 28 opposition lawmakers — 25 legislators from the Sam Rainsy Party and 3 from the Human Rights Party — of their salaries and parliamentary status last Wednesday because they violated the Law on Political Parties by simultaneously holding membership in two parties at the same time.
“According to the Law on Political Parties, the article 15 states that a Cambodian citizen must not simultaneously hold membership in more than one political party, but if he/she holds membership in more than one party, his/her membership in the last political party is valid,” Chheang Von said.
“Based on this law, the parliament’s committee terminated their parliamentary status and salaries because those lawmakers quit their old parties to join the newly formed opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party in order to run in July’s general election,” he said.
The explanation was made after the United States on Saturday expressed a deep concern over the expulsion and urged the National Assembly of Cambodia to allow all elected lawmakers to fulfill their term.
“Such a decision starkly contradicts the spirit of a healthy democratic process,” Jen Psaki, spokesman of the U.S. Department of State, said in a statement.
“We strongly support a political process that includes the full participation of all political parties on a level playing field,” she said. “Stripping the salaries and parliamentary status of opposition party legislators deprives the Cambodian people of their voice and hurts the democratic process in Cambodia. “
She said that full participation of all elected representatives was essential to the democratic process.
“We urge the National Assembly leadership to allow all elected members to fulfill their commitment to serve the Cambodian people,” she said.
Chheang Von said that the U.S.’s statement was “unacceptable” and was interfering Cambodia’s internal affairs.
“Cambodia is a sovereign state, so the U.S. cannot order Cambodia to go left or right,” he said. “Cambodia has its own laws. We are strengthening democracy through law enforcement, we do everything based on laws; therefore, the U.S.’s statement is unacceptable.”
“I appeal to the U.S. to reconsider its statement,” he said.
Meanwhile, Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Hor Namhong expressed his disappointment to see some comments by some foreign diplomats about Cambodia’s upcoming general election.
“This is the interference of Cambodia’s internal affairs,” he said during a meeting with Alison Burrows, new ambassador of Australia to Cambodia.
He said as a democratic country, Cambodia would do all its best to ensure a transparent and democratic election on July 28, and urged foreign observers to monitor the election.
Cambodia sets to hold a general election on July 28, according to the National Election Committee. Some 9.67 million eligible Cambodians will cast their ballots in the upcoming polls for the 123-seat parliament.
Eight parties will run in the election. Three major parties among them are the ruling Cambodian People’s Party of Prime Minister Hun Sen, the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party led by self-exiled leader Sam Rainsy, and the royalist Funcinpec Party headed by Princess Norodom Arun Rasmey, the youngest daughter of late King Father Norodom Sihanouk.
Cambodian Parliament rejects opposition-proposed draft law on minimum wages for civil servants, garment workers
PHNOM PENH, April 3 (Xinhua) — The National Assembly’s Commission on Economy on Wednesday rejected the opposition- proposed draft law on minimum wages for garment and state workers.
The rejection was made during the meeting between Cheam Yeap, chairman of the Parliament’s Commission on Economy, Finance, Banking, and Audit, and the opposition lawmakers led by Son Chhay.
The opposition group proposed the National Assembly to make a law to limit a monthly minimum wage of 150 U.S. dollars for garment workers and 250 U.S. dollars for civil servants and armed forces. “The Parliament’s commission decided to reject this proposed draft law, explaining that the proposed draft law is inappropriate for Cambodia’s real situation, and Cambodia holds a free-market regime, so the limitation of minimum wage is against this policy,” Sman Teath, vice-chairman of the Commission, told reporters after the meeting.
Currently, garment workers earn a minimum wage of 61 U.S. dollars a month, and after recent talks, the employers agreed to raise the minimum wage to 80 U.S. dollars from May onwards.
For the civil servants, wage is raised based on hierarchy. The minimum wage for lower-level workers is about 70 U.S. dollars a month.
Cambodian government has provided a 20 percent pay rise to civil servants and armed forces a year. However, Prime Minister Hun Sen said Tuesday that hike in wage for civil servants and garment workers would be tied to economic growth.
PHNOM PENH (Cambodia Herald) – The National Assembly unanimously approved Friday a law on the control and use of manual labor in Qatar.
Labor Minister Vong Soth said the law had been agreed to by heads of government and that the two countries had worked together for Cambodian workers to work legally in Qatar.
He said potential workers needed to know \”what the job market looks like there, and what requirements they need compared with those of neighboring countries.\”
While the climate and customs of the oil-rich Gulf state are very different from Cambodia, he said salaries for skilled workers were higher than in neighboring countries.
Ho Naun, who chairs the National Assembly Commission on Health, Social Affairs, Youth, Vocational Training and Women\’s Affairs, said the law would make it easier to address challenges related to migrant workers.
Opposition Sam Rainsy Party spokesman Yim Sovan asked Cambodian ambassadors to protect workers from being abused.
Cheam Yeap, chairman of the National Assembly Commission for Economy, Banking and Finance, said the government had protected workers and helped created many garment factories offering jobs to a half of million people.
He appealed to the Ministry of Labor to offer youth training for jobs in Cambodia and abroad.
PHNOM PENH (Cambodia Herald) – The Office of the Council of Ministers has released a recorded telephone conversation in 1997 between then Second Prime Minister Hun Sen and opposition lawmaker Son Chhay.
In the conversation, said to be on October 17, the Sam Rainsy Party lawmaker is heard talking about the situation outside Cambodia after armed clashes in July between the Cambodian\’s People\’s Party and its royalist coalition partner Funcinpec.
Som Chhay is also heard telling Hun Sen about relations between Funcinpec and the Sam Rainsy Party after the fighting, which occurred on July 5 and 6.
The uploading of the conversation came after Hun Sen mentioned it during an address to the National Assembly on Thursday. He said Son Chhay had agreed to be his spy and accept $10,000 to report on events after the clash.
Hun Sen said he considered Son Chhay a godbrother who persuaded the CPP in 1997 to resist a takeover of Funcinpec by Nhiek Bun Chhay, Khan Savoeun and Hor Sok.
Son Chhay told reporters that he considered Hun Sen’s charge as defamatory.
12 August 2012, by Kok Sap
On 9 August 2012, Hun Sen has become exactly what people have allegedly said of his handling of Khmer –Youn border. At the podium Hun Sen was delirious. Fueled with ego trips of above all men and narcissistic attitude, it took him five hours to deliver his notes. With no patriotic decency, the sentimental fool ran his mouth off with apathetic tone to impress the National Assembly that is filled by men lack moral bone from his party in berating the opposition party as his single obstacle for achieving his pro-Yuon interests and defense.
The truth is the delimitation of 1270 km. long border between Khmer- Yuon has been a lightning rod to not only to his King or opponents but his ex generals, fellow CPP politicians, journalists and CPP voters/land owners whose paddies had befallen under Yuon newly drawn map. With Yuon payment in the amount of $6 million to pay for the granite pillars and installation, Hun Sen made this border demarcation his personal and it must be completed, at his order, in 2012.
Often his arguments relied on old documents dated in 1939 that were drawn up by the colonial French government for the convenience of the colonial administrative then. But yet he proclaims his efforts would result of no loss of land to Yuon. He went to say in the Constitution stated Cambodia size is only 181,035 sq. km but in records the colonial French marked it lesser than 179, 000 sq.km at some points of its rule.
Hun Sen boasted not even one square meter of Cambodia had lost to Yuon yet. He continued to say when he completed the demarcation, Cambodia map will likely be increased to 181,606 sq. km.
As far as the maritime and lost isles, Hun Sen did not specifically say what will happen.
But how comes Meas Srey and Prum Chea lost half of their rice paddies to Yuon? And the result of their protest with the opposition leader participation, these individuals were unjustly victimized and imprisoned without proper due process in defense.
One might wonder, these folks had no human intelligence and not knowing where is their property?
To back track a bit before his mudslinging intensified at his opponents, then his Commander- in-Chief General Ke Kim Yan had submitted written reports to the government and him in pointing out the new Khmer-Yuon border post 1979 Yuon occupation, it was much far deeper inside of Cambodia territory than the previous 1964 UN recognized map.
Also Canal កំពប់តែអុង aliased Vinh Te (constructed from 1819-1824 of 87 km used 80,000 Khmer plus other ethnics) had been altered and extended new length inside and beyond Cambodia old boundary. In the northeastern region both Dak Dam-Snuol and part of Kompong Cham territory remain under Yuon settlements until now.
In Svay Rieng-Chantrea region, land owners Meas Srey and Prum Chea, had not only lost land but had been imprisoned for years on false charges. Because of MP Sam Rainsy showed concerns and participating in exposing evidence of embarrassment and incompetence of his hand-picked minister Var Kim Hong as the head of border committee, the True Cat laid blame on Sam Rainsy as the anti Yuon politics and interests.
Actually Var Kim Hong was not doing any good for Cambodian sovereignty and territorial integrity. Yet he has the nerves to deny his collaboration and conspiracy with Cambodia historical enemies in the attempt to permanently installing pillar 184,186,187 on Cambodia soil with no consent from private owners.
Because of such scheme, Hun Sen was furious with MP Sam Rainsy and ordered the provincial court to convict and sentence him on false charges. For his personal safety sake Sam Rainsy must run for his life. All know well about Hun Sen’s anger toward Sam Rainsy. All started from the incident of the alleged and failed assassination attempt on him in Siem Reap back in 1994. Since then, the True Cat zeroed in on Sam Rainsy and can’t wait to have his hands around Sam Rainsy neck.
Given that, no choice Sam Rainsy must chose to live on in order to fight on the expansion of the neo-dictatorial regime of Pol Pot type in present Cambodia. The assassination attempts might have been a set up to boost Hun Sen ego. Plus it’s the excuse for the True Cat to assign his relative Sok An to raise fund privately aside from the national budget to fund the well fed and equipped with most up to date arms for his entire Body Guard Brigade. This is how the deforestation and land grab and concession to foreign investors become synonymous of the Strongman with Iron Fist power consolidation.
In essence of laws for the sake for the people, by the people and serve the people Hun Sen did otherwise. Obviously, it’s the True Cat that did the stealing and the blaming in this case. This hasn’t slowed down yet.
The international donors and communities’ pressured Hun Sen to be accountable on his regime mismanaging fund and corruption yearly. The more pressure put on him, the more private loans build up on the future of Cambodia later generations. On the border matter, his strategies and conspiracies are to hang a traitor mark on Sam Rainsy’s neck and to permanently prevent him from arousing voters’ conscience. Future general election without Sam Rainsy is Hun Sen future plan. From Hanoi agendas, Sam Rainsy is the threat to the livelihood of its entrenched patron-client doctrine on Hun Sen regime.
The International sponsored 1991 Paris Peace Agreement first article state, Cambodia must nullify and void all prior Treaties to defend (preserve) its sovereignty.
It turned out as one of the principal signers; the True Cat Hun Sen had openly not complied with the spirit of the Peace Agreement. It was his mission to ratify and reinforce the old treaties signed in 1979, 1982, 1983, and 1985 to remain in effect.
The evidence in 1982 treaty showed Koh Tral, and group of isles associated with Koh Krorchork Ses included 40,000 sq. km of maritime border are already ceded to Yuon annexation. And the supplementary appendixes signed by Hun Sen-Nguyen Co Thach in 1983,1985 indicating the measurement and scale used in mapping varied from 1/100,000 to 1/50,000. This violates the current Constitution. In 1986, on behalf of Cambodians, Singapore lodged a protest to the United Nations Council.
Due to 1997 personal quarrel over the legitimacy of government between Hun Sen and Sihanouk son, Yuon and Siam arbitrarily convened and signed a pact in partitioning maritime and water line without Cambodian knowledge.
From the western border, in adding salt to the old wound in 2010-2011, Siam had provoked war on Cambodia in its protest on Preah Vihear inscription with World Heritage Committee. It disregarded the 1962 International Court of Justice ruling that order Siam to steer clear of Preah Vihear and vicinity. All artifacts removed from Preah Vihear must be returned to Cambodia. The arm clashes in 2010-2011 between Cambodia and Siam had cost dozens of life and property destruction worth millions of dollar on both sides.
With the power of the International court ruling in hands, Hun Sen still fails miserably to re-assert Cambodia sovereignty against Siam belligerence and aggression. In part Siam had knowingly agreed with 1962 International Court of Justice ruling and Siam-French commission 1907 map. But to advance its imperialistic ambition, it insisted on using 1986 Yuon-Siam treaty over Cambodia boundary lines and its map in its defense.
Such legal fluke and inconsistence is not that Siam later governments unaware of, but it carries on its contempt for Cambodia because it has no respect for Hun Sen, as a legitimate head of Cambodian government from the get going. Besides his ineptitude in world politics and diplomacy reaped more insults from Siam.
To spite Siam’s Abhisit government, he forced the King to appoint Siam ex Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra as his personal economic expert. This was an act of treason and personal insults to Cambodians who had been shot to death along the border by the very Siam armed forces. In this, Hun Sen did nothing to call attention of ICC or Human Rights Group in defending the victims. As it saw fit in gaining no advantage, Siam and its politicians did not stop its citizens who took matter, at will, in own hands to raid Cambodian territory along the border.
For the Cambodian rights, people wanted to rally and conduct street protest against Siam aggression, but Hun Sen forbade and threatened them with public disorderly conducts and arrest. In contrast, Siam government grinned from ear to ear in seeing its people took matter and dispute over Preah Vihear world heritage site inscription to the street, press and mass media throughout the nation.
Presently the two international border violators, Veera and Ratree from Siam, are held in Cambodian prison. For Siam, in spite of political philosophy and difference, its government would do its best to defend citizens who committed criminal acts against Cambodia.
To date Siam current Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra has asked a favor from Hun Sen to pardon and return them to their homeland. This is the truth behind the curtain as long as Hun Sen occupies the prime minister office, all Siam people will have no respect for Cambodia sovereignty and its inhabitants to date.
In 2004 under duress and harmful threats to his life and family, King Sihanouk was forced to validate and sign those treaties into effect.
All above is the root and responsibility that the MPs from the opposing party took to heart and conscience in demanding for transparency and a public explanation. In a prior concerted effort and straightaway order to suppress challenge ahead, Hun Sen ordered the office of the Assembly President ”no question allowed” from the floor. Cleverly, the actual President Heng Samrin who had his hands on all illegal treaties was conveniently absence from such usurper delivered address. MP Nguon Nhel was assuming the role in fear of Hun Sen, the True Cat, to preside over this show off drama.
During his long and diatribe presentation, no question from the floor allowed included MP Son Chhay, the original initiator who had timely requested the PM appearance before the National Assembly men. Nguon Nhel was adamant and forbade Son Chhay from re- reading his original written questions for the rest of MPs awareness and public records.
This is a grave historical matter that countless Cambodians from all stripes of ideology and regimes had died for since 1954 Geneva Conference in its defense. For unknown logic Hun Sen treated it as his own adventure and an experiment in testing his public speech skill.
To his own admission, Cambodia is not belonged to one family or any party. But sure enough he made it clear to the Cambodians that the Khmer –Yuon border matter is none of others but his private business. He forgot his appearance before the Assembly wasn’t voluntarily. It was the opposing party MP Son Chhay who repeatedly demanded the explanation over land losses from the government ministers.
However tactically, PM Hun Sen took it upon himself to shut off the critics and land owners from raising problems in next election, once and for all. He wasn’t just defensive but so unbecoming of Khmer leader. His behavior and choice of words were apparent that he was not mature as a statesman yet. His performance before the Assembly brought to mind of the Singaporean couple, Harrish and Julie Mehta, who authored and published ‘Hun Sen Strongman of Cambodia ‘sugar-coated biography in 1999, summation as they saw a tiger in Hun Sen person.
Unfortunately in Khmer folklores, Tiger was representing evil power or inhumane character. Since Angkor time, the elders have continued on to advise the young,” not to raise (domesticate) a tiger cub which in time it will grow strong then want to mull its master head for a meal.”
The authors put,” this tiger (Hun Sen) holds the distinction of being a true (wild) cat having survived more than nine brushes with death. It was his steak of luck, plus a canny sense of strategy and the will to survive that had made Hun Sen a seemingly invincible power and kept him on top of the heap of Cambodian politics for two decades.” This is not an exaggeration.
To the intelligence, the twist of irony is Hun Sen personal traits and temper is too tiger like. People like Pen Sovan, Chan Sy, Ung Phan, actress Piseth Pilika, Sihanouk and Heng Pov knew firsthand experience how Hun Sen can easily turn against them. Until now the know ones believe Chan Sy, Piseth Pilika, Chea Vichea, and Hok Lundi death was no accident. These folks were once either Hun Sen intimate confidante or intimate companion and serious adversary. But when comes to the threat of his face and name, Hun Sen showed no qualm of whom he made example of.
Indeed, not too long after the signing of Paris Peace Accords in 1991, Sihanouk embraced this little cat and bestowed upon him the honorary title, Samdech that is loosely comparable to Lord in the European style. Yet Hun Sen bullied and chastised King Sihanouk to endorse all of the supposedly nullified and voided treaties with Yuon dated back to the 80’s. This exacted how canny and manipulative of this little cat has been.
Hun Sen, the True Cat, publicly humiliated opposition MP Son Chhay for daring to put him before the National Assembly.
Over 90 seats are belonged to the ruling party, Cambodian People Party but none of them had courage to displease Hun Sen. Clearly they unheard of several villages and hundreds of hectares of land are annexed to Yuon control. Historical records show both Siam and Yuon make it a national agenda to gain more land and sea from Cambodia control whether by peaceful negotiation or violence.
In this rarest pronounced drama of so called public clarification of his border committee achievements, Hun Sen went all out to insult people and his voters who lost land to foreigners at the government abatement. Obviously he hadn’t learned history, how many Khmers living in Siam or Cochinchine nowadays felt and suffered the consequences from Cambodia Kings negligence in responsibilities and allowed Cambodia hereditary enemies to take hold of their children lives.
To end, another Khmer saying warned, don’t do cat manner (កុំធ្វើមារយាទដូចឆ្មា). For this, Hun Sen is the True Cat in politics and manners. He is the first peasant turned dictator to be remembered by later generations as the nation leader who has repeated the same treacherous acts against Cambodia and its people interests the same as those gullible Kings in the past.
10/8/2012 Sometimes austere, other times ebullient, Prime Minister Hun Sen spent his rare, more than five-hour speech to parliament yesterday outlining a border demarcation plan with Vietnam and taunting the opposition before refusing to answer anything other than written questions.
Peppered with vitriolic outbursts at his critics, the premier’s speech to 103 lawmakers at the National Assembly focused on a plan for Cambodia and Vietnam to compensate one another with unoccupied land for villages it had been agreed fell in the opposing country’s territory.
“The choice is that we must keep the same situation according to the occupation [of areas] of people,” he said.
Land for exchange in Kampot, Kampong Cham and Takeo provinces had already been agreed upon by the two countries, while negotiations to do the same in Prey Veng and Svay Rieng provinces were under way, Hun Sen told the parliament.
Cambodians have been occupying 2,160.6 hectares of territory belonging to their eastern neighbour while Vietnamese are living on 916.7 hectares of land in the Kingdom, he added, stressing that exchanges would be equal, hectare for hectare.
The process of demarcation, the premier said, followed that which was laid down by King Father and former president Norodom Sihanouk, relying on maps devised by the French colonial administrations of Cochinchina (southern Vietnam) and Cambodia.
“I would like to say that with both land border and maritime border, we followed the map which Samdech Norodom Sihanouk deposited at the United Nations [in 1964],” he said.
“Your insults of Hun Sen are equal to insults of Sihanouk, because Hun Sen follows Sihanouk for all.”
National Assembly President Heng Samrin enacted his constitutional right to quash any debate during the session, though the premier did answer four written questions sent to him by Sam Rainsy Party whip Son Chhay more than six weeks prior.
Heng Samrin’s decision infuriated Son Chhay, who said Cambodia was undoubtedly alone amongst democracies around the world in having a parliament that was never allowed to debate anything.
“They don’t allow us to speak, they don’t allow us to ask questions, for five hours just listening to his threats – we’re really pissed off,” he said, adding that it was the first time in almost 20 years that Hun Sen had even answered a written question in parliament.
“If you don’t have any questions, you don’t call it question time, you call it propaganda time.”
The government, he said, was constantly violating Article 96 of the constitution by not responding to questions within a week or simply not answering at all, which had happened with 70 per cent of the letters he had sent.
Political analyst Lao Mong Hay said he felt the solution the government had presented to resolve the long-running process of demarcating the border with Vietnam was fair but also expressed disappointment about the premier’s conduct in parliament.
“We heard one side of the story, so we should be able to hear the other side as well,” he said.
In response to the written questions, Hun Sen clarified Cambodia’s position on once-disputed Phu Quoc Island, which is currently part of Vietnam but known by Cambodians as Koh Tral Phu Quoc, as well as two villages in Kampong Cham province.
The premier said Sihanouk had told former Vietnamese Prime Minister Pham Van Dong that Cambodia no longer demanded Koh Trol back in 1999, relinquishing the Kingdom’s right to the island.
Sihanouk’s personal adviser and secretary, Prince Thomico Sisowath, refused to comment on any discussion the king father might have had with Pham Van Dong in 1999 but said the map the king father had taken to the UN made no such concession.
“The map which the King took to deposit at the UN claimed that Koh Trol is in Khmer land. Cambodia denied that France took Koh Trol to give to Cochinchina,” he said. In June, senior minister in charge of the Cambodian Border Affairs Committee, Va Kimhong, said the government would have to cede two villages to Vietnam to keep Thlok Trach and Anlung Chrey villages in Kampong Cham province’s Ponhea Krek district.
Ever since, the opposition has been demanding to know which villages would be ceded in exchange for the territory that includes the birthplace of Heng Samrin.
But Hun Sen yesterday simply confirmed that part of Heng Samrin’s village was in Vietnamese territory and that the National Assembly president had been lobbying hard for it to remain in Cambodia, without explaining whether or not it would.
The Vietnamese Embassy in Phnom Penh did not reply to enquiries from the Post.
Not for the first time, Hun Sen accused Son Chhay of political skulduggery, rehashing his old claim that the lawmaker, whom he belittling referred to as his “younger brother”, had acted as “his little spy” in 1997 in exchange for US$10,000.
The premier took the allegation further yesterday, claiming 20 pages of documents and a CD recording proved Son Chhay had tipped him off about a plan to overthrow him in 1997.
“During that time, you reported [to me] about the military situation that was organised by [then-Funcinpec military commander] Nhek Bunchhay, Khan Saveoun and Ho Sok. It was a good report that made me have enough time to prevent the situation in advance,” he said.
Hun Sen, then second co-prime minister next to Funcinpec’s Prince Norodom Ranariddh, became Cambodia’s unopposed leader shortly after, following bloody factional fighting that the premier has repeatedly argued was not a coup d’etat.
Son Chhay said it was sad that the prime minister of Cambodia behaved in such a dishonest, undignified way in a speech broadcast across the country.
“This is a dirty game, this is a cheap thing, that this man has been using. So they play this game,” Chhay said, rejecting all Hun Sen’s accusations as complete rubbish.
Son Chhay has previously conceded that he did indeed accept US$10,000 from Hun Sen, but only when he returned to Cambodia in 1997, money he believed parliamentarians that had stayed had also be given.
Not taking the money, Son Chhay told the Post in December 2006, could have been seen as a “negative reaction” to a goodwill gesture from the premier and jeopardised his negotiations with Hun Sen to secure the return of other politicians who had fled.