Archive for July 2013
Last updated on: July 31, 2013 5:59 AM
The Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) said Wednesday its own polling data shows it won at least 63 parliamentary seats, compared to just 60 seats for the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).
The government’s preliminary figures released Sunday showed the CCP winning 68 seats – a significantly reduced majority from last election – but enough to return longtime Prime Minister Hun Sen to power.
The CNRP, led by opposition leader Sam Rainsy, gathered Wednesday to collect evidence of alleged irregularities, as accusations of fraud continue to pour in from international observers.
Rainsy says he hopes the evidence can bolster the party’s call for a United Nations-backed investigation into what he says is widespread electoral fraud.
“Every polling station caused problems. In some, the election officials said there was no indelible ink or no papers, and that caused trouble. There could be a million problems like this. So the Cambodia National Rescue Party has to solve these problems.”
Rainsy told VOA (Khmer) as many as 1.2 million voter names had been removed from the national registry, while 200,000 names on it were duplicates.
Human Rights Watch on Wednesday said the ruling CPP “appears to have been involved in electoral fraud.” It said CPP officials may have issued fake voting documents to supporters and allowed some to vote in more than one location.
The New York-based group, which based its conclusions on interviews with residents and officials, called for an independent commission to investigate the claims, since the National Election Commission falls under the ruling party’s control.
Cambodian officials have rejected calls for an international inquiry and called on the opposition to clearly show what evidence it has. It has denied any wrongdoing. The CPP insists Hun Sen will stay on as prime minister.
The United States and European Union have both expressed concern over voting alleged irregularities in the vote. The U.S. has called for a “transparent and full investigation of all credible reports of irregularities”.
Even if the preliminary results are upheld, it would be the ruling party’s worst election result in 15 years. It could create a tricky political standoff for Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has led Cambodia for 28 years.
The opposition was energized by the recent return of Rainsy, who for years had been in self-imposed exile in France, fleeing charges he says were politically motivated. Rainsy received a royal pardon earlier this month, but was not allowed to participate in the elections.
The 60-year-old has threatened to organize mass protests if the government does not respect what he says are the election results. Official results are not expected to be released until mid-August.
Despite suffering a major hit in the parliamentary election Sunday, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) will hold on to a majority of National Assembly seats for another five years should unofficial results released by the information minister stand.
Under the country’s Constitution, a simple majority is all that is needed to form a government and pass most laws.
But having relieved the CPP of its supermajority in Parliament, the opposition could make life very hard for Prime Minister Hun Sen, and for the first time turn the CPP-led Parliament into something more than a rubber stamp, analysts and legal experts said Monday.
“Now they have to deal with the opposition, they cannot do like before,” said Son Soubert, a former member of the country’s Constitutional Council, who recently allied with the opposition.
With 123 seats in the Assembly, the CPP needed only 62 lawmakers to form the next government and says it won 68.
But Mr. Soubert said the magic number is actually 82 seats. That’s how many lawmakers the Assembly needs just to hold a meeting. Without that quorum, he said, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), which won the other 55 seats on Sunday, could effectively hold the government to ransom.
“What the Rescue Party can do, they can refuse to join the National Assembly, and then the National Assembly cannot form,” he said.
The Constitution says a “valid” meeting of the Assembly needs at least two-thirds of all lawmakers, or 82 members. After Sunday’s elections, the CPP is 14 seats short of the constitutional requirement.
The National Election Committee (NEC) has yet to endorse the information minister’s poll results released on Sunday evening. The CNRP has rejected that result and is demanding an independent investigation into allegations of widespread polling irregularities that it says may have robbed it of an outright victory.
But should the preliminary numbers roughly hold, said independent political analyst Kem Ley, the opposition can use the CPP’s modest majority to its advantage to push through parts of its own agenda.
The CPP may technically have enough votes to pass most laws short of a constitutional amendment, he said, but it won’t be passing much if the opposition refuses to let the National Assembly even meet.
“If they can’t persuade the opposition to attend the meeting, how can they pass the law?” he said. “They need the quorum to meet, so the CPP will need to compromise with the CNRP.”
Mr. Ley said he expected the CPP to give way on some of the opposition’s key campaign pledges, including raising wages for civil servants and tightening immigration policies.
Besides the legislative math, he said, the CPP could no longer ignore the reality that a great many Cambodians no longer want what it has to offer.
“They realize the majority of the people want change, that the people are not happy with them, so even though they control all the ministries they will feel pressure to change.”
Sok Sam Oeun, a prominent lawyer who heads the Cambodian Defenders Project, a legal aid NGO, said the momentum was clearly with the opposition.
“Right now they have the power,” he said. “The opposition can use this as a chance for compromise, otherwise they will not join the meeting to form the Parliament.”
Even if the opposition does let the CPP form the next government, it can still keep the Assembly from meeting any time it wants.
“It has a lot of power,” Mr. Sam Oeun said. “It has the power to negotiate and it can control the legislature.”
The opposition will not have a shot at any ministries without entering into an official coalition with the CPP, which Mr. Sam Oeun said was unlikely after the uninspiring example set by Funcinpec during its coalitions with the CPP.
After the royalist party joined the CPP as a junior coalition partner following the national elections in 1993, 1998, 2003 and 2008, it won some ministry posts but watched its political fortunes steadily dwindle, and on Sunday failed to win a single Assembly seat.
“The CPP wants a coalition,” Mr. Sam Oeun said. “For example after forming the coalition with Funcinpec, it could destroy Funcinpec.”
He said the opposition was more likely to try to parlay its newfound power into some control over a few Assembly commissions, the powerful finance commission first and foremost.
CPP lawmaker Chheang Vun, whose own Assembly seat was cast into some doubt after the party’s modest showing on Sunday in his home province of Battambang, said the prospects are still good for his party.
“I don’t know yet if the two parties have plans to talk about their roles on the nine commissions, but I think the CNRP will have a role,” he said. “I think the two parties will negotiate.”
But Mr. Vun dismissed any talk of a coalition with the CNRP or compromising with it on any new laws.
“We cannot follow the policies of the opposition party because the party lost the election,” he said. “They have no right to demand anything because the people voted for the Cambodian People’s Party.”
But a CPP secretary of state, speaking on condition of anonymity, conceded that business as usual at the National Assembly was likely over.
“The CPP will have [a] more difficult time in the National Assembly,” he said. “There will be more political discussion, more stalemate.”
The former Constitutional Council member, Mr. Soubert, said the CPP simply could not ignore the will of so many Cambodians who voted for change, and the violence that erupted on election day should remind the ruling party of the growing frustration of the people.
“The results clearly show that their policies are not exactly what the people wanted,” he said. “If the people feel frustrated, there will be unrest.”
In the month leading up to Sunday’s national election, the face of Prime Minister Hun Sen was omnipresent in Cambodia.
Every few meters along the main boulevards in Phnom Penh, Mr. Hun Sen, depicted on Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) campaign banners, smiled and waved at passersby. In the provinces, the prime minister was shown on large roadside billboards, folding his hands in respect to villagers or seated in a rice paddy and wearing a krama.
In his speeches in the months leading up to the election, Mr. Hun Sen placed himself at the center of the CPP’s campaign platform.
Prime Minister Hun Sen holds up his inked finger after voting Sunday morning at Kandal Provincial Teachers Training Center in Takhmao City. (Lauren Crothers/Cambodia Daily)
“If Cambodians sympathize with me, like, love and are satisfied with my leadership and have confidence in me, Hun Sen, for leading our country to the peace, stability and development that now exists, please vote for the Cambodian People’s Party,” was a common phrase in Mr. Hun Sen’s speeches as elections neared.
Mr. Hun Sen campaigned on the Hun Sen platform; the physical embodiment of the CPP’s achievements.
While the CPP claimed victory in Sunday’s election, it was with a considerably reduced majority, a result that political analysts say could indicate a decline in Mr. Hun Sen’s support and popularity as the country’s long-time prime minister.
Officials inside the CPP, however, said Sunday that despite their electoral chastening, Mr. Hun Sen faces no risk of being replaced as the long-standing face of the ruling party’s prime minister.
“The victory means that people accept that Prime Minister Hun Sen will lead the country,” CPP National Assembly spokesman Chheang Vun told reporters at the Phnom Penh Hotel on Sunday.
Phay Siphan, spokesman for the Council of Ministers, also said Sunday that the election result “doesn’t represent a reflection on Hun Sen’s popularity.”
“The number [of seats in Parliament held by the CPP] still reflects that Hun Sen enjoys a general popularity and the majority of people need him to be around,” he said, adding that Mr. Hun Sen was already taking the lead in ensuring the CPP’s future success.
“The CPP is one step ahead already. The youth are a growing power in Cambodia’s nation. The CPP, we understand that we can modernize the CPP for new coming youth by maintaining economic growth, social justice and integrating into regional and global markets,” Mr. Siphan said.
But according to Kem Ley, a political analyst and researcher for the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, the resounding message sent by the Cambodian people over the weekend was that satisfaction with the administration of Mr. Hun Sen has plummeted.
“The results show that Prime Minister Hun Sen reserves much lower popularity. Also his leadership style and management of reform of the government did not reflect the real situation of Cambodian needs,” Mr. Ley said.
Carlyle Thayer, a Southeast Asia expert at the Australian Defense Force Academy, said the significant downturn in popularity expressed at the polls for the CPP will mean new pressure on Mr. Hun Sen for reform from both the emergent Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) and people within his own party.
However, Mr. Thayer doubted that Mr. Hun Sen would be willing to lead fundamental changes in the government over which he has presided for so long.
“I don’t think Hun Sen is going to be the guy who stands up and says, ‘I am the guy who got it wrong and we need to fix it,’” Mr. Thayer said.
“I don’t see the Hun Sen regime responding to this election in a reform way. They are not going to change land grabs, not going to change corruption. Reform will be superficial because there are too many entrenched interests,” he said.
But if the CPP sees that popular discontent with Mr. Hun Sen continues to rise over the next five years of his leadership, it may have no choice but to seek a different direction, Mr. Thayer said.
“[The CPP’s] fear is that change would lead to destabilization, so they would want to minimize reforms. But as the next elections come they may realize that maintaining the status quo is self-defeating,” he said.
“Within the CPP itself, the people close to the center of power…may need to tell the emperor he has no clothes,” he added.
John Ciorciari, Southeast Asia expert at the University of Michigan’s Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy, said that Mr. Hun Sen, the man and prime minister, has become so interwoven with the fate of the CPP that it would be almost impossible to separate the two.
“The CPP is so closely identified with Hun Sen that the election is as much a referendum on his leadership as the party’s. But even if some CPP members read the election results as a poor reflection on their leader, it is far from clear that any dissident faction would be able mount enough support to risk challenging the prime minister,” Mr. Ciorciari said in an email.
Ros Chantrabot, a member of the Royal Academy of Cambodia and an adviser to Mr. Hun Sen, said that it was the CNRP who had singled out the prime minister in its calls for “change” during election campaigning.
“[T]he opposition called for change referring to Prime Minister Hun Sen, not the political party,” Mr. Chantrabot said.
“It seemed that the election was not to elect the party, but was a contest for the prime minister’s position instead,” he said, adding that the result of the election was proof that popular support remained behind Mr. Hun Sen.
The election result was not only a measure of the leadership of Mr. Hun Sen, but a wake-up call that Cambodia’s electorate is no longer willing to settle for the CPP’s promises of stability and basic development, said Pavin Chachavalpongpun, an associate professor at Kyoto University’s Center for Southeast Asian Studies.
“I think the result says a lot, not just what the Cambodian voters thought about the leadership of Hun Sen, but also it showed the extent to which the political landscape of Cambodia has been shifting,” he said, adding that, still holding a popular mandate to rule, Mr. Hun Sen is unlikely to make significant concessions that might risk his hold on power.
To respond to falling support for the ruling party, the CPP would need to lead “political reforms through the strengthening of democratic institutions. But this may require sacrifice on the part of Hun Sen, which is unlikely,” Mr. Chachavalpongpun said.
Information Minister Khieu Kanharith, who released Sunday’s results showing that the CPP had ceded 22 seats in Parliament, called the election a “wake-up call for [the] CPP,” though he credited a “racist campaign” and “empty promises” by the opposition for its success in the poll, in which it gained 26 seats.
“Despite the vitriolic racist campaign…despite empty promises, Cambodian people chose CPP. In the same time, this is also a wake-up call for [the] CPP not to sleep on its realizations. We need to improve our work,” he said in an email.
“But the strong point of [the] CPP is that this party has the ability to readapt to change and knows how to take advantage of the most difficult situation,” he added.
Such adaptation, said Cambodia historian David Chandler, may mean that while Mr. Hun Sen may not be vulnerable to being dropped as his party’s pick for prime minister in the short-term, the latest polling results may force him to make concessions to his political rivals in order to fulfill his promise of staying in power for decades to come.
“[T]he results may speed up his [Mr. Hun Sen’s] promised departure at 74. I’d say a lot depends on what happens in the next few weeks—not for his handing over power but to see if he is impelled to alter his modus operandi to accommodate some of the pressures put on the CPP by the opposition,” Mr. Chandler said.
Voters in rural areas said Monday they had heard Sunday’s national election results, after hours of waiting, from independent radio and TV broadcasts and from rumors and relatives on the telephone.
Hey Sarin, 48, from Oddar Meanchey province’s Samraong City, said he heard the preliminary results Monday morning on Radio Free Asia.
“I listened to Kiri Dong Reak Radio [a local radio station] about the primary result, but I knew that the CPP [Cambodian People’s Party] had won through Morning Report from Radio Free Asia,” he said.
On Sunday night, Information Minister Khieu Kanharith posted on his Facebook page that the CPP had won 68 seats in the National Assembly to the Cambodia National Rescue Party’s (CNRP) 55.
As of Monday evening, no state-owned TV station or newspaper had broadcast or printed the number of seats that each party had won.
Penh Sockhon, 34, who lives in Battambang province’s Samlot commune, said he watched state-owned TVK to get local results, but he only heard of the national election outcome through a rumor.
“I heard through a rumor that it was 68 [seats] to the CPP and 55 [to the CNRP]. I still do not believe that result,” said Mr. Sockhon.
Chum Sophal, 30, who lives in Mondolkiri province’s Bosra village, said he traveled to a relative’s house to watch the results on satellite network DTV because he does not own a radio or TV.
“I saw the CNRP had won in Kompong Cham, Kompong Thom and Phnom Penh,” he said. “They said the CPP won enough seats to run the country.”
Mr. Sophal said Monday that he had still not heard detailed results of the national election.
In Preah Vihear province’s Sa’ang commune, Van Sokha, 35, had to wait to hear the election results from a relative in Phnom Penh who telephoned her to pass on the news.
“I only knew about my commune results…because I did not have radio or TV. My relative in the city had told me that there were burning cars in the city and that the CNRP had won the election,” she said.
As Cambodia came to terms with election results showing big losses for the ruling Cambodian People’s Party on Monday, businesses and markets across the capital stayed shut, though officials said the lull in commercial activity was not because people were fearful of unrest.
As polls shut on Sunday, some of the city’s residents queued to take money out of ATMs and drivers rushed to petrol stations to fill up their cars as violence broke out between an angry mob and police officers in the south of the city.
“I had also received information about the shops and markets being closed. No, it’s not because they are afraid. I think that people have not yet returned home from voting,” said Ket Chhe, chief of cabinet for the Phnom Penh Municipality.
Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan also said the city was quiet because many people in the capital had gone back to the provinces to vote. “I don’t think people are scared about violence. The shops and markets are still closed because people have not returned home from voting. If they were to open today and people are still in the province, who would they sell to if there are no people?” he said.
Along the city’s main roads including Monivong, Mao Tse Tung, Norodom and Sisowath on Monday morning, traffic was minimal, while hundreds of shops remained shut.
“We are still closed because some of our staff have not returned from the provinces yet. They live far in Battambang and Siem Reap. Maybe we’ll open tomorrow,” said Sok Sreylen, manager at Samsung’s Monivong Boulevard service center.
Farther down the boulevard, the large Ausino furniture store was shut with a sign in Khmer that read, “The company will open after three days.”
At Central Market, about half of the stalls were closed with only a few Western shoppers. “Before, there were many people, but today, it’s very quiet,” said one vendor.
Farther south, O’Russei Market was completely shuttered. Food vendors around the market said it had been closed since Saturday.
“The workers inside have not returned yet. I am open because my workers live near the city. So they voted and returned,” said Chan Mey, 28, who sells cooked pigs.
At Kandal Market, about a quarter of the stalls were closed.
“I’m open today because I need business. I’m not worried about any violence,” said Ung Srey, 36, a shoe vendor.
Sunday’s national election was proclaimed “free and fair” by the 291 international observers invited by the National Election Committee (NEC) to monitor the ballot—despite allegations of serious irregularities.
Although the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) made considerable gains, winning 55 of the 123 National Assembly seats, the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) held on to 68 seats, a majority that the observers—who reportedly had their expenses covered by the ruling party—said should be respected by all parties.
“We consider the election in Cambodia as a triumph of popular will and a victory of the Cambodian people in their quest to build a better future based on the supremacy and sanctity of the ballot,” said the joint statement by the International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP) and the Centrist Asia Pacific Democrats International (CAPDI).
The two groups claim to represent 340 political parties from Asian countries including Burma, Indonesia and Malaysia.
The statement, which is also posted to the NEC’s website, described Sunday’s vote as ultimately “free, fair and transparent, and, above all, peaceful, non-violent and smooth, [which] bears testimony to the fact that Cambodian democracy has not only matured, but come of age politically.”
At a subsequent press conference Monday morning, the observers reiterated their upbeat assessment of the vote, despite the fact that just across town, CNRP president Sam Rainsy was holding his own press conference to denounce the results.
Mr. Rainsy alleged widespread irregularities and called for the establishment of a committee to investigate the results.
Asked about reports of duplicate names on the voter register and the countless voters who said they were unable to find their names on the list, the groups’ answers were philosophical.
Mushahid Hussain Sayed, secretary-general of CAPDI, said that no country held totally fair elections, even established democracies in the West.
“Unfortunately, the media wants to reduce things too much—was it free, was it fair, yes and no answers, but it requires a more nuanced response,” he said, adding that the apparent flaws “did not materially affect the election process.”
The 2008 national election attracted 500 international observers, many from the European Union, but this year the E.U. sent no observers, saying they were not asked and that recommendations made by their observers in 2008 were not taken on board. The U.S. Embassy also said it decided to send only “informal visitors” to polling stations instead of official monitors.
The observers who did come to Cambodia this year did so at the expense of the CPP, according to an email sent last month by Chung Euiyong, secretary-general of ICAPP.
កុក ស័ព្ទ ទី៨ កក្កដា ២០១៣
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អូរជ្រៅមុនសម័យខ្មែរក្រហម ជាផ្លូវទឹកធម្មជាតិ មានសត្វត្រីរស់អាស្រ័យបាន និង មនុស្ស អាចយកផល ពីទឹក មកប្រើប្រាស់បានជាធម្មតា ។
តែក្រោយពីសម័យកសាងថ្មី ក្រោមការណែនាំរបសើអង្គការ ៧ មករា ដ៏មហាអស្ចារ្យ មហាភ្លឺស្វាង គ្រោមការ ដឹកនាំរបស់បងប្អូនម៉ឹនឆ្នាំ យៀកណាមមក គេ ឃើញមានសាង សង់អគារធំៗស្កឹមស្កៃ ទាំងខាងខ្មែរ និងខាងសៀម សត្រូវសួពូជរបស់ខ្មែរផងដែរ។
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ឥឡូវនេះ អូរជ្រៅមិនត្រឹមតែជាទីគួរខ្ពើមឆ្អើមប៉ុណ្ណោះទេ គឺវា ជាសញ្ញាបង្ហាញ ពីម៌ាយាទ និង ទម្លាប់ អា ក្រក់រស្មោគគ្រោក របស់រដ្ឋាភិបាលខ្វះមនសិការ និងក្លាយជាបុព្វហេតុនៃ ការបំបាក់ មុខ ប្រជារាស្រ្ត ខ្មែរ ទូទាំងប្រទេសចាប់ តាំងពី គេចុះជាន់ ដីខ្មែរ ពីព្រំប្រទល់ឡើងរហូតមក។
ព្រៃរបាំង ទល់ដែនគឺកាប់រលាយហិនហោចតាំងសម័យ គ្រោងការណ៍ ក៥ កក្តាប់ អំណាច ទឺកដី ឲ្យបាន ទាំងស្រុង តាំងពី ទសវត្ស ៨០ មក។
នៅពីខាងក្រោយសណ្ឋាគារប្រណិតៗ កាស៊ីណូ ដែលបានសង់ជាប់នឹងមាត់អូរ ក្បែរស្ពានឆ្លង ពី ត្រើយ ខាងខ្មែរ ទៅខាងសៀម មានសម្រាមកកស្ទះ និងក្លិនអសោចន៍ ជះលើផ្ទៃអាកាស ស្ទើរទប់ មិនចង្អោរ មិនបាន។
មិនតែប៉ុណ្ណោះសោត បើអ្នកអានអាច ចំណាយពេលច្រើននាទីបន្តិច ដោយឈរលើស្ពានព្រំដែននោះ និងអាចយល់ ស្តាប់ ភាសា សៀមបានខ្លះ ប្រាកដជាមានការជួយ ឈឺចាប់ផ្លូវសតិអារម្មណ៍និង អត្ត សញ្ញាណជាតិខ្មែរ ជាមិនខាន។
ភ្នាក់ងារអាជ្ញាធរនិងឈ្មួញសៀម វាស្រែកជេរប្រទេច កម្មករខ្មែរៗ ដែលរត់ប្រញាយដណ្តើមការគ្នាចាំ អ្នកអូស ទាញ រទេះ ផ្ទុកទំនិញឆ្លងពីខាងសៀមមកខាងខ្មែរ និងមិនរវល់យកចិត្តទុកដាក់ នឹងរបៀបរបប សណ្តាប់ធ្នាប់របស់គេ។
សៀមៗ វាស្រែកថា៖ ពួកអាឯងនេះភ្លើៗ ភ្នែកមានមិនមើល៍ សញ្ញាគេទេអី យិះអាខ្មែរនេះ ឆ្កួតៗ?
គួរឲ្យខ្មាស់ជនបរទេសដទៃ ជាភ្ញៀវដែលជិះ រថយន្ត ឆ្លងកាត់ទីនេះ ចូលមកលេង និង ទស្សនកិច្ច កម្សាន្ត នៅស្រុក ភូមិខ្មែរ។
រដ្ឋាភិបាលខ្មែរ និងលោករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីនិមួយ គិតតេបូមនិងលួចជាតិ មិន អៀនខ្មាស់សត្វ ដោយហេតុ បរទេស ដែល គេបានកាត់ពីមាត់ ពីករាស្រ្តនិងប្រជាជាតិគេ យក អំណោយថវិកាតិចក្តីច្រើនក្តី មកខ្មែរកសាង ស្រុកឲ្យសមរម្យជា មនុស្សជាតិដូចគេដូច ឯងដែរ ជារៀងរាល់ឆ្នាំ។
បើសិនលោកអ្នកនាងឈរលើស្ពានហើយចោលភ្នែកមើកទៅក្នុងអូរ នឹងមានការយល់ឃើញពីអ្វី ដែល ខ្ញុំលើកមកនិ យាយពិគ្រោះ នៅទីនេះ មិនខានឡើយ។
តើក្រែងលោកៗ ឯកឧត្តម រដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ម៉ុកម៉ារេត ក្រសួងបរិស្ថាន ស ខេង ក្រសួងពោះធំ (មហា ផ្ទៃ) ចាន់ សារុន ក្រសួង កសិកម្ម ត្រាំអ៊ីវតឹក គមនាគមន៍និងដឺកជញ្ជូន (បំផ្លាញផ្លូវ ជាតិ) និង រដ្ឋាបាល ប្រចាំ មូលដ្ឋានទាំងឡាយ មានភ្នែក និង ប្រស្រីដែរ ឫខ្វាក់ទាំងក្រសួងៗ ទាំងស្រុកតែ ម្ដងដូចតែគ្នា ទាំង អស់ ទៅ?
ឫមួយ លុយដូល្លារវាបាំងភ្នែកខ្វាក់ មើលមិនឃើញទាំងមេៗក្រោមពង ឫ ទាំងពងលើមេៗ ទៅ?